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This book argues that a combination of property rights reform, administrative fragmentation, and technological advance has caused the post-Mao Chinese state to lose a significant degree of control over “thought work,” or the management of propagandistic communications flowing into and through Chinese society.
The East Asian economic meltdown of the late 1990’s has reinforced the conviction, derived from Communism’s nearly worldwide collapse a decade earlier, that the only path to sustained prosperity combines an openness to trade and investment with market economies that are minimally impinged upon by state intervention. But, the author argues, the situations in China demonstrates that the political, social, and cultural costs of “reform and opening” are high.
Notably, the construction of culture in China has fallen into the hands of lower-level government administrators, semiautonomous individuals and groups in society, and foreign-based public and private organizations. Contrary to the prevailing neo-liberal wisdom, however, this transformation has not generated a Habermasian public sphere and an autonomous civil society that will lead China inevitably toward democracy. Instead, the immediate result has been “public sphere praetorianism,” a condition in which the construction of culture becomes excessively market-oriented without being directed toward the achievement of public political goals.
The case of China shows that under such conditions, a society is set adrift and rudderless, with its members unable or unwilling to channel their energies toward the resolution of pressing public concerns, and communication flows dissolve into a patternless mosaic. True, the flows are much less constrained by government than ever before—an important precondition for democratization. But the short-term effect is actually an enervating depoliticization—even narcotization—of society, while the state itself paradoxically continues to lose control.
- Sales Rank: #4864280 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Stanford University Press
- Published on: 1999-06-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.00" h x 1.00" w x 6.00" l, 1.45 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 344 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"For anyone who is interested in the development of China's mass media within the last 25 years."—Berline China-Glefte
From the Inside Flap
This book argues that a combination of property rights reform, administrative fragmentation, and technological advance has caused the post-Mao Chinese state to lose a significant degree of control over “thought work,” or the management of propagandistic communications flowing into and through Chinese society.
The East Asian economic meltdown of the late 1990’s has reinforced the conviction, derived from Communism’s nearly worldwide collapse a decade earlier, that the only path to sustained prosperity combines an openness to trade and investment with market economies that are minimally impinged upon by state intervention. But, the author argues, the situations in China demonstrates that the political, social, and cultural costs of “reform and opening” are high.
Notably, the construction of culture in China has fallen into the hands of lower-level government administrators, semiautonomous individuals and groups in society, and foreign-based public and private organizations. Contrary to the prevailing neo-liberal wisdom, however, this transformation has not generated a Habermasian public sphere and an autonomous civil society that will lead China inevitably toward democracy. Instead, the immediate result has been “public sphere praetorianism,” a condition in which the construction of culture becomes excessively market-oriented without being directed toward the achievement of public political goals.
The case of China shows that under such conditions, a society is set adrift and rudderless, with its members unable or unwilling to channel their energies toward the resolution of pressing public concerns, and communication flows dissolve into a patternless mosaic. True, the flows are much less constrained by government than ever before—an important precondition for democratization. But the short-term effect is actually an enervating depoliticization—even narcotization—of society, while the state itself paradoxically continues to lose control.
From the Back Cover
“For anyone who is interested in the development of China’s mass media within the last 25 years.”—Berline China-Glefte
Most helpful customer reviews
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
Finally, solid info and thoughtful analysis!
By Michael Jacobson
We've been waiting for years for a book on the Chinese communications system that not only describes it but also explains it and relates it to the economy and larger political milieu. This book is it. The author deftly details changes in the Chinese government's regulation of the communications system and shows how those changes have caused the government to lose control over information flows in Chinese society, what he calls the "symbolic environment". But unlike most commentary on the Chinese media, he doesn't see this loss of government control as contributing to China's democratization, at least not right away. Instead he sees it as causing chaos, or "praetorianism", and predicts a politically uncertain Chinese future in which neither the forces of democracy nor the forces of dictatorship can prevail. He foresees all sorts of new social movements arising in China, but not necessarily democratic movements. It's truly astonishing that this book must have been finished a good six months before the Falun Dafa movement burst upon the scene, but that's exactly the kind of movement the book predicts. A must-read for anyone interested in China.
8 of 14 people found the following review helpful.
Great historical perspective; little grasp of China today
By A Customer
I just finished the book and the pages turned well and I was impressed by the the author's use of past examples. His work on early Mao and Zhou's and Jing's roles were especially important and useful. However, I have worked in the media field in Beijing and Shanghai for nearly ten years, and I feel that the autrhor does lack adequate ideas of the media's role today. A simple monitoring of the major papers such as Beijing Youth, Southern Weekly, PLA Times, and Yangcheng Evening News, would throw many of his propositions to the wind.
So, basically kudos to the reasearch of the past, but shame on the author for not realizing that China has indeed changed greatly in the last 6 years. Too bad this was not taken into account in the book.
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