Senin, 17 Maret 2014

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South Asia, which consists of eight states of different sizes and capabilities, is characterized by high levels of insecurity at the inter-state, intra-state, and human level: insecurity that is manifest in both traditional and non-traditional security problems—especially transnational terrorism fuelled by militant religious ideologies.

To explain what has caused and contributed to the perpetual insecurity and human suffering in the region, this book engages scholars of international relations, comparative politics, historical sociology, and economic development, among others, to reveal and analyze the key underlying and proximate drivers. It argues that the problems are driven largely by two critical variables: the presence of weak states and weak cooperative interstate norms.

Based on this analysis and the conclusions drawn, the book recommends specific policies for making the region secure and for developing the long lasting inter- and intra-state cooperative mechanisms necessary for the perpetuation of that security.

  • Sales Rank: #1144941 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: Stanford Security Studies
  • Published on: 2010-08-09
  • Released on: 2010-08-09
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x .80" w x 6.00" l, 1.05 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 352 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

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Sabtu, 15 Maret 2014

> Ebook Download The Cultural Lives of Capital Punishment: Comparative Perspectives (The Cultural Lives of Law)From Stanford University Press

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How does the way we think and feel about the world around us affect the existence and administration of the death penalty? What role does capital punishment play in defining our political and cultural identity?

After centuries during which capital punishment was a normal and self-evident part of criminal punishment, it has now taken on a life of its own in various arenas far beyond the limits of the penal sphere. In this volume, the authors argue that in order to understand the death penalty, we need to know more about the "cultural lives"—past and present—of the state’s ultimate sanction.

They undertake this “cultural voyage” comparatively—examining the dynamics of the death penalty in Mexico, the United States, Poland, Kyrgyzstan, India, Israel, Palestine, Japan, China, Singapore, and South Korea—arguing that we need to look beyond the United States to see how capital punishment “lives” or “dies” in the rest of the world, how images of state killing are produced and consumed elsewhere, and how they are reflected, back and forth, in the emerging international judicial and political discourse on the penalty of death and its abolition.

Contributors:

Sangmin Bae

Christian Boulanger

Julia Eckert

Agata Fijalkowski

Evi Girling

Virgil K.Y. Ho

David T. Johnson

Botagoz Kassymbekova

Shai Lavi

Jürgen Martschukat

Alfred Oehlers

Judith Randle

Judith Mendelsohn Rood

Austin Sarat

Patrick Timmons

Nicole Tarulevicz

Louise Tyler

  • Sales Rank: #1633046 in Books
  • Published on: 2005-05-27
  • Released on: 2005-05-27
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x .80" w x 6.00" l, 1.05 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 360 pages

Review
"In fifteen chapters, they [Sarat and Boulanger] take the reader on a capital punishment odyssey through not only the US, but also central and south Asia, the Middle East, Kyrgyzstan, India, Israel, Palestine, Japan, Singapore, and South Korea. In a nutshell, this is a book well worth reading for those interested in exploring cross-cultural treatments of the death penalty."—CHOICE

From the Inside Flap
How does the way we think and feel about the world around us affect the existence and administration of the death penalty? What role does capital punishment play in defining our political and cultural identity?
After centuries during which capital punishment was a normal and self-evident part of criminal punishment, it has now taken on a life of its own in various arenas far beyond the limits of the penal sphere. In this volume, the authors argue that in order to understand the death penalty, we need to know more about the "cultural lives"—past and present—of the state’s ultimate sanction.
They undertake this “cultural voyage” comparatively—examining the dynamics of the death penalty in Mexico, the United States, Poland, Kyrgyzstan, India, Israel, Palestine, Japan, China, Singapore, and South Korea—arguing that we need to look beyond the United States to see how capital punishment “lives” or “dies” in the rest of the world, how images of state killing are produced and consumed elsewhere, and how they are reflected, back and forth, in the emerging international judicial and political discourse on the penalty of death and its abolition.
Contributors:
Sangmin Bae
Christian Boulanger
Julia Eckert
Agata Fijalkowski
Evi Girling
Virgil K.Y. Ho
David T. Johnson
Botagoz Kassymbekova
Shai Lavi
Jürgen Martschukat
Alfred Oehlers
Judith Randle
Judith Mendelsohn Rood
Austin Sarat
Patrick Timmons
Nicole Tarulevicz
Louise Tyler

From the Back Cover
“In fifteen chapters, they [Sarat and Boulanger] take the reader on a capital punishment odyssey through not only the US, but also central and south Asia, the Middle East, Kyrgyzstan, India, Israel, Palestine, Japan, Singapore, and South Korea. In a nutshell, this is a book well worth reading for those interested in exploring cross-cultural treatments of the death penalty.”—CHOICE

Most helpful customer reviews

1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
refreshing
By Margaret Braden
An accessible work on capital punishment that goes well beyond the standard moral and cost-benefit arguments. By considering capital punishment in both historical and international contexts and taking an anthropological approach, these essays show the many shades of a discussion that is often reduced to black and white.

2 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
recommendable!
By Michael Wrase
I consider this book a valuable ressource for cross-disciplinary research on death panelty. It covers a broad range of different perspectives on the topic, which are often neglected in political or even academic debates. The comparative approach makes it even more interesting, since state killings can be shown as being part of "culture" in various societies around the globe. The way people publicly deal with capital punishment actually reveals much of its cultural functions.

1 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
Disappointing!
By Simon Grivet
Do not buy this book. It's a shame because some of the people who wrote in it. However, the contribution in this book are deeply disappointing, most are either commonplaces or do not bring anything new to the subject.

You would better read what Austin Sarat writes!

See all 3 customer reviews...

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Jumat, 14 Maret 2014

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Institutional logics, the underlying governing principles of societal sectors, strongly influence organizational decision making. Any shift in institutional logics results in a similar shift in attention to alternative problems and solutions and in new determinants for executive decisions. Examining changes in institutional logics in higher-education publishing, this book links cultural analysis with organizational decision making to develop a theory of attention and explain how executives concentrate on certain market characteristics to the exclusion of others.

Analyzing both qualitative and quantitative data from the 1950s to the 1990s, the author shows how higher education publishing moved from a culture of independent domestic publishers focused on creating markets for books based on personal, relational networks to a culture of international conglomerates that create markets from corporate hierarchies. This book offers broader lessons beyond publishing—its theory is applicable to explaining institutional changes in organizational leadership, strategy, and structure occurring in all professional services industries.

  • Sales Rank: #2993547 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: Stanford Business Books
  • Published on: 2004-03-03
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x .70" w x 6.00" l, .91 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 208 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

Review
" . . . The most rigorous and theoretically sophisticated book available for those interested in the sociology of the book publishing industry."—Canadian Journal of Sociology Online

From the Inside Flap
Institutional logics, the underlying governing principles of societal sectors, strongly influence organizational decision making. Any shift in institutional logics results in a similar shift in attention to alternative problems and solutions and in new determinants for executive decisions. Examining changes in institutional logics in higher-education publishing, this book links cultural analysis with organizational decision making to develop a theory of attention and explain how executives concentrate on certain market characteristics to the exclusion of others.
Analyzing both qualitative and quantitative data from the 1950s to the 1990s, the author shows how higher education publishing moved from a culture of independent domestic publishers focused on creating markets for books based on personal, relational networks to a culture of international conglomerates that create markets from corporate hierarchies. This book offers broader lessons beyond publishing—its theory is applicable to explaining institutional changes in organizational leadership, strategy, and structure occurring in all professional services industries.

From the Back Cover
“ . . . The most rigorous and theoretically sophisticated book available for those interested in the sociology of the book publishing industry.”—Canadian Journal of Sociology Online

Most helpful customer reviews

3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
Rigorous and perceptive
By Antonio
This is a serious-minded reporting on empirical research within a carefully articulated theoretical context. Although this is an academic monograph, I found - as a Publishing Director in higher education publishing - that the book was very perceptive and thought-provoking. I think it is the most rigorous book on publishing I've read.

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Five Stars
By Stone Han
A must-read for those studying institutional logics.

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Rabu, 12 Maret 2014

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The New Police Science: The Police Power in Domestic and International Governance (Critical Perspectives on Crime and Law)From Brand: St

This timely volume provides a critical analysis of the most comprehensive and least comprehended of state powers, the power to police, broadly understood as the power to maximize public welfare—or, more colorfully, its "peace, order, and good government."

Featuring contributions by leading scholars from several countries working in a variety of fields, including law, criminology, political science, history, sociology, and social theory, The New Police Science examines the power to police as a basic technology of modern government that appears in a vast array of sites of governance, including not only the state, but also the household, the factory, the military, and—most recently—the global realm of war, police actions, and peacekeeping. This volume resurrects and radically re-envisions the once thriving study of police science as a comprehensive critical inquiry into the nature of governance.

  • Sales Rank: #771802 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: Stanford University Press
  • Published on: 2006-10-11
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x .80" w x 6.00" l, 1.23 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 320 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

Review
"This is an important book because it casts contemporary and historical
understandings of police, the police power(s) of states, and the meaning of the verb 'to police' into a new light. It brings together...a stunning
breadth of intellectual achievement."—Law and Politics Book Review

"This innovative collection of essays rescues the concept of police from its limited application with criminology and police studies, and insists on its importance to the social analysis of law, regulation, and government. The result is a significant and provocative social analysis of police power, broadly understood."—Ian Loader, Professor of Criminology, Director of the Oxford Centre for Criminology, and Fellow of All Souls College

"This terrific book brings together scholars from a range of disciplines who share a sense that police forces and the legal doctrine of the state's police power have a greater connection than is usually believed—that the common vocabulary reflects common roots in a particular worldview, which is profoundly antiliberal and antilegalistic."—David Alan Sklansky, Boalt Hall School of Law, University of California, Berkeley

From the Inside Flap
This timely volume provides a critical analysis of the most comprehensive and least comprehended of state powers, the power to police, broadly understood as the power to maximize public welfare—or, more colorfully, its “peace, order, and good government.”
Featuring contributions by leading scholars from several countries working in a variety of fields, including law, criminology, political science, history, sociology, and social theory, The New Police Science examines the power to police as a basic technology of modern government that appears in a vast array of sites of governance, including not only the state, but also the household, the factory, the military, and—most recently—the global realm of war, police actions, and peacekeeping. This volume resurrects and radically re-envisions the once thriving study of police science as a comprehensive critical inquiry into the nature of governance.

From the Back Cover
“This innovative collection of essays rescues the concept of police from its limited application with criminology and police studies, and insists on its importance to the social analysis of law, regulation, and government. The result is a significant and provocative social analysis of police power, broadly understood.”—Ian Loader, Professor of Criminology, Director of the Oxford Centre for Criminology, and Fellow of All Souls College
“This terrific book brings together scholars from a range of disciplines who share a sense that police forces and the legal doctrine of the state's ‘police power’ have a greater connection than is usually believed—that the common vocabulary reflects common roots in a particular worldview, which is profoundly antiliberal and antilegalistic.”—David Alan Sklansky, Boalt Hall School of Law, University of California, Berkeley

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Senin, 10 Maret 2014

>> PDF Download Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881-1948 (Stanford Studies in Jewish History and C), by Anita Shapira

PDF Download Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881-1948 (Stanford Studies in Jewish History and C), by Anita Shapira

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Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881-1948 (Stanford Studies in Jewish History and C), by Anita Shapira



Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881-1948 (Stanford Studies in Jewish History and C), by Anita Shapira

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Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881-1948 (Stanford Studies in Jewish History and C), by Anita Shapira

This book traces the history of attitudes toward power and the use of armed force within the Zionist movement—from an early period in which most leaders espoused an ideal of peaceful settlement in Palestine, to the acceptance of force as a legitimate tool for achieving a sovereign Jewish state.

Reviews

"A rich and sophisticated work that nicely complements more conventional political-historical studies of the Arab-Israeli conflict. . . . Shapira sifts through a vast body of material, ranging from essays, poems, and memoir literature to the unpublished minutes of political party and youth group meetings. Shapira interprets these sources with sensitivity and insight . . . and writes with power, compassion, and warmth. . . . A landmark book that is an outstanding contribution to the history of Zionist political thought and culture."

—American Historical Review

"This is a superb book . . . a well-researched, detailed, and scholarly account that provides new and valuable insights into the dilemma posed by the formation and elaboration of a more forceful Israeli military posture."

—The Historian

"Shapira's powerful, well-written, lucid intellectual history of a segment of the Zionist movement . . . is fascinating and easy to read." —Journal of Economic Literature

  • Sales Rank: #1196250 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: Stanford University Press
  • Published on: 1999-08-01
  • Released on: 1999-08-01
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.25" h x 1.20" w x 6.13" l, 1.44 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 464 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

Review
"A rich and sophisticated work that nicely complements more conventional political-historical studies of the Arab-Israeli conflict. . . . A landmark book that is an outstanding contribution to the history of Zionist political thought and culture."—American Historical Review

"This is a superb book . . . well-researched, detailed, and scholarly."—The Historian

Language Notes
Text: English (translation)
Original Language: Hebrew

From the Inside Flap
This book traces the history of attitudes toward power and the use of armed force within the Zionist movement—from an early period in which most leaders espoused an ideal of peaceful settlement in Palestine, to the acceptance of force as a legitimate tool for achieving a sovereign Jewish state.
Reviews
“A rich and sophisticated work that nicely complements more conventional political-historical studies of the Arab-Israeli conflict. . . . Shapira sifts through a vast body of material, ranging from essays, poems, and memoir literature to the unpublished minutes of political party and youth group meetings. Shapira interprets these sources with sensitivity and insight . . . and writes with power, compassion, and warmth. . . . A landmark book that is an outstanding contribution to the history of Zionist political thought and culture.”
—American Historical Review
“This is a superb book . . . a well-researched, detailed, and scholarly account that provides new and valuable insights into the dilemma posed by the formation and elaboration of a more forceful Israeli military posture.”
—The Historian
“Shapira’s powerful, well-written, lucid intellectual history of a segment of the Zionist movement . . . is fascinating and easy to read.” —Journal of Economic Literature

Most helpful customer reviews

7 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
Scholarly and informative
By Jill Malter
In spite of the extreme popularity of the subject, there are surprisingly few scholarly works about Zionism. Much of the material that has been produced has paid more attention to political correctness than historical accuracy.

I am glad to say that this book is a serious and scholarly work.

The book starts by explaining the extent to which the Jews of the early nineteenth century had spent centuries as non-belligerents and pacifists. This was due in part to an aversion of war and to an even greater extent on the fact that the Jews were a defeated people who were not permitted to hold weapons. The book then examines how such a humiliated people finally acquired the willingness, ability, and nerve to defend itself and finally even attack its enemies.

Shapira starts with the development of a "defensive ethos" in the Levant, from 1881 to 1921. The next segment of the book tells of the defensive ethos at work from 1921 to 1936. The remainder tells of the trials of the Jews in the Levant from 1936 to 1947 that led at first to use of force by irregulars and finally to military offenses approved of by the representatives of the population at large.

As Shapira explains, at first, this use of force against the Arab pogroms of 1936 was confined to the Irgun, which represented a small minority of the Jews of the Levant, and an even smaller splinter group from the Irgun, namely the Stern Gang. The majority had a policy of "self-restraint." This continued even after the perfidious British White Paper of 1939 shifted the Jewish population to almost total insistence on the establishment of a Jewish state in the region. However, after World War 2, when British policy became even more unbalanced in favor of Arab aggression, the majority started to approve of counterattacks, starting in October, 1945. While the counterattacks by the majority ended in 1946, the stage had been set for military action. In April, 1948, that action was taken, and what became the Israeli army the following month went into action to actively relieve the siege of Jerusalem. As Shapira points out in her introduction, in 1982 Israeli forces even went into action in Lebanon as a matter of "choice." For the first time in many, many centuries, Jews had fought an offensive military action as Jews without believing that they needed to do so at once simply to survive. The transition from a humiliated people that neither was able to fight nor wished to do so to one that was willing and able to fight was finally accomplished.

One interesting point that Shapira makes has to do with the Shoah or Holocaust. The slaughter of millions of European Jews was a disaster for the Jews of the Levant. It was also an embarrassment that so many Jews appeared to go to their deaths "as sheep to the slaughter." Shapira discusses the effect of having the Jews appear so weak and hapless on this occasion, and how this helped to catalyze the transition of the Jews to a people that were willing to fight. But Shapira shows that the establishment of Israel was not a direct result of the Holocaust. "It is possible to imagine," says Shapira, "that if the Holocaust had not occurred, the pressure of many more millions of living Jews would not have been inferior to the moral weight of the martyred dead."

26 of 35 people found the following review helpful.
Fine background
By Alyssa A. Lappen
This book differs from many histories of Israel by reaching into 19th century to examine and explain the roots and context for the Jewish nationalism that preceded Israel's 1948 establishment as a state.

Shapira's first chapter explains the plight of Europe's oppressed Jews, which led to Theodore Herzl's convocation of the first Zionist meeting in Switzerland in 1896. Although periodic slaughters never reached the level of the Chmielnicki pogroms in 1648 and 1649, which left more than 100,000 Jews dead, as the 20th century began, anti-Semitism in Europe remained a terrible force. The 19th and early 20th century were meanwhile an era of universal nationalism. Peoples around the globe reached into their respective pasts, bolstering identities and calling for national borders. For the Jewish people, nationalism was heightened by a threat to existence that few if other people (except the Turkish Armenians) experienced.

Shapira shows admirably that hope and self-preservation, not belligerence, drove the first and second waves of Jewish immigrants from Europe and elsewhere in the Middle East to Palestine. From 1881 through 1914, Jewish immigrants joined the families of co-religionists who had lived in Palestine since before the destruction of the second Temple in 70 AD. Some sensed hostility among young Arabs of Jaffa. Others, like David Ben Gurion and Berl Katznelson, remarked on little about Arab inhabitants except their extreme poverty, illiteracy and the diseases by which they were afflicted. The immigrants had no complex ideology or political structure; They merely wanted to live in Zion, which the Jewish people had for 2,000 years considered their homeland. Funded by Jewish organizations and philanthropists such as Baron Rothschild, they began buying land in quantity.

While some Jewish settlers developed a chauvinistic attitude, Shapira also shows that they had no plans to conquer resident Arabs. On the contrary, they adapted local customs and culture--wearing kaffia headdresses, riding horses and carrying weapons.

From 1905 on, as pogroms against Jews in Russia intensified, Jewish settlers arrived understanding the need for self-defense. Yet, no discernable confrontation between Arabs and Jews took shape until the Young Turk revolution rocked the Ottoman empire in 1908, bringing Arab nationalism to Syria in particular. Even then, disputes in Palestine remained local and concerned grazing rights and water. Buying land, Jews learned, did not always entitle them to water sources on it. Where Arabs considered grazing pastures public domain, Jews who had purchased land expected it to be theirs' alone. As they had in Europe, Jewish settlers optimistically hoped for peaceful relations with non-Jewish neighbors.

As World War I approached, however, moods crystallized. Zionist immigrants burdened their new situation with their previous outlook. As in Europe, they attributed the animosity of others to agitation and incitement, in this case, by Christian and urban Arabs. Here, as in Europe, incitement definitely existed. As the Ottoman grip on Palestine gave way to anarchy, anti-Jewish hatred increased. Jewish land purchasers were constantly beset by sellers' fraud: Claims and counterclaims, violence and counterviolence arose. Worse, legal purchases often displaced fellaheen--tenant farmers.

Based on their European experience, when violence arose against the Jews, they assumed the authorities would not protect them. Jewish settlers who had arrived hoping for peace and security in their ancient land discovered that they had exchanged one "existential threat for another." Jewish defensive thinking gelled after the Yom Kippur 1928 and August 1929 riots and lasted until 1936, when the Arab Rebellion--during which Jews were murdered with abandon--stimulated a Jewish offensive strategy.

This was followed by the most traumatic 9 years in Jewish history--1939 through 1947, during which the spontaneous response in Palestine was to go to the aid of Europe's Jews. Jews came, rightly, to believe that they could rely only on themselves. This ethos was celebrated by poets like Nathan Alterman and Hannah Senesh. The Nazis murdered the latter, then 26, after she parachuted behind enemy lines to aid her fellow Jews. In Palestine, Jewish self-preservation was directed at the British, whose grotesque 1939 White Paper, Shapira shows, locked Jews out of the National Home that the League of Nations approved for them in 1922.

---Alyssa A. Lappen

4 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
hoped poor Arabs would develop class consciousness
By Peter G. Pollak
Little did I know when I began reading Anita Shapira’s monumental study in June, 2014 that events in the Middle East would provide an extra incentive for acquiring the knowledge imparted in these pages. Although Shapira’s book is tough reading due to her thorough and detailed description of the evolution of leading Zionists’ approach to the use of force from the beginning of the modern re-settlement of Palestine by Jews to Independence in 1947, the central thesis is clear and relatively undisputable.

Shapira describes how each major settlement group (of which there were five) viewed the fact that the land they were immigrating to was not barren of human population. Colored by their experience in the countries they had left––mainly Eastern Europe where the promise of equality was repeatedly quashed and lives taken, those who came to Palestine to re-claim the land promised to Abraham for most part rationalized away the potential problem their presence represented to the Arabs who were living there.

A few facts need to be stated for those not well-versed in the history of this region. First, there were Jews already living in Palestine when the first Zionist settlers arrived in the 1880s. Second, Palestine was never an independent, self-governing nation. From the time of the first modern settlers through World War I, the region was part of the Ottoman Empire. After World War I, the British and French divided the region, the British being given a mandate to govern what was called Palestine. Third, a form of Arab nationalism emerged over time, but there is no evidence that the notion of one’s being a Palestinian Arab coalesced before Independence. That doesn’t mean the Arabs living in Palestine were neutral to growing Jewish settlement. The problem is that Shapira does not report how they viewed what was happening around them. While most Arabs seemed to ignore the influx of Jews, some reacted negatively. Shapira doesn’t tell us whether their hostility was a reflection of religious teachings that cast Jews along with Christians as infidels, was it distrust of people who differed in so many ways, or whether it had some other basis?

We do know that early Jewish settlers did not see their arrival as a threat to the Arab population. They projected an alliance reflecting the potential for economic development to lift Arab boats as well as their own. The settlers bought land, hired Arab laborers when there weren’t enough Jews to do the work, and, since many settlers were socialists, hoped poor Arabs would develop class consciousness. One thing these settlers did not do is view themselves as colonialists, although after World War I when the treaty of Versailles granted Palestine to the British, it’s likely many Arabs saw the settlers through that prism.

In the early years, faced with occasional attacks by random Arab groups, the settler community developed an ideology Shapira called the defensive ethos, which viewed the use of force by Jews to protect their communities as a necessary evil. That view shifted over time as generations of Jews born in Palestine came to view military capabilities as necessary to their survival. This offensive ethos contributed to the fact that Jews of Palestine were prepared psychologically to defend their home land when in 1947 the British mandate was divided into two nations.

Shirpira’s history is geared towards scholars. She does offer important lessons, however, for the non-scholar, including the fact that the Holocaust did little to change the settler community’s belief that independence would most have to be achieved by military means. By the time word of what was going on in Hitler’s concentration camps reached that community, the majority were already prepared to fight to protect what they had established as well as to protect the right of Jews throughout the world to join them. In other words, the world’s reaction to the Holocaust lent official status to an existing situation––i.e., 650,000 Jews who felt their claim to the land they occupied was equal, if not superior, to that of their Arab neighbors.

Some may feel the absense of references to the Arab point of view in Land and Power is a weakness. Is that because there are few written sources available or because she was unable to access them? I believe the former to be the case. As a result, Shapira is forced to interpret how Arabs living in Palestine viewed the growing Jewish settlement primarily by interpreting the extent to which Zionist leaders viewed the Arab population as a threat.

What can we learn about today’s crisis from reading Shapira? Palestine Arabs whose heritage went back generations had justifiable grounds in 1948 for being unhappy with partition. For some it meant leaving their homes or living once more under “foreign” rule. Did that unhappiness justify going to war? Were other options considered?

Arab hostility to Jews began as individual attacks––crimes of robbery and murder––and evolved into more serious riots and eventually military actions. Shapira doesn’t explain this pattern which began when Jews were a tiny minority, but for the Israel of today the reason doesn’t matter. Israel must deal with the consequences and they are.

Americans who judge Israel negatively might want to reflect on our own past. Placing our history of dealing with the native populations against that of Israel’s ought to give us pause. After the Civil War we waged war against the tribes that lived in areas we coveted killing women and children as well as warriors, eventually reducing the survivors to reservation captives. Israel allows equal rights to non-Jewish residents and although some Palestinian Arabs have been driven from their homes, that has largely been a response to Israel’s being under attack.

Shapira reports that some settlers feared teaching the young the art of warfare would harm the community. Violence tends to drive out moderation and to beget more violence, but moderation doesn’t always lead to peace. We learn from history that the choices people make are not pre-determined. Being aware of choices is the first step to avoid falling back on options that yield negative results. Perhaps after the War of 2014, Palestinian Arabs will reflect on the choices they have made in the past and decide to try a different approach. We can always hope.

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> PDF Download The Jew, the Arab: A History of the Enemy (Cultural Memory in the Present), by Gil Anidjar

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The Jew, the Arab: A History of the Enemy (Cultural Memory in the Present), by Gil Anidjar

The Jew, the Arab: A History of the Enemy (Cultural Memory in the Present), by Gil Anidjar



The Jew, the Arab: A History of the Enemy (Cultural Memory in the Present), by Gil Anidjar

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The Jew, the Arab: A History of the Enemy (Cultural Memory in the Present), by Gil Anidjar

Is there a concept of the enemy? To what discursive sphere would it belong? Or, if there is no concept of the enemy, what are the factors that could have prevented its articulation? Following the reflections of Carl Schmitt and Jacques Derrida on the theologico-political, and reading canonical texts from the Western philosophical, political, and religious traditions, the author seeks to account for the absence of a history of the enemy.

The question of the enemy emerges in this book as contingent on the way Europe has related to both Jew and Arab as concrete enemies. Moreover, the author provocatively argues that the Jew and the Arab constitute the condition of religion and politics. Among the many strengths of the book is the timeliness of its profound study of contemporary actuality: the volume provides a basis for a philosophical understanding of the forces at work that produced and kindled current conflicts in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East.

  • Sales Rank: #1531066 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: Stanford University Press
  • Published on: 2003-06-03
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x .70" w x 6.00" l, .91 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 296 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

Review
"In this unique, original, and breathtakingly new work, Anidjar follows the figure of the enemy, as it informs arguments in many discursive areas: literature and philosophy to be sure, but also politics, theology, the constructions of race and ethnicity, history, etc. By showing in what ways the figure of the enemy is intertwined with construction of the Jew, the Arab, the Moslem, the Christian, the European, Anidjar continually challenges the reader to rethink concepts of and habitus related to the concept of enemy. Each chapter consists of cogent analyses, an illustration of relations among works and fields, and insightful remarks." —Lawrence R. Schehr,University of Illinois

From the Inside Flap
Is there a concept of the enemy? To what discursive sphere would it belong? Or, if there is no concept of the enemy, what are the factors that could have prevented its articulation? Following the reflections of Carl Schmitt and Jacques Derrida on the theologico-political, and reading canonical texts from the Western philosophical, political, and religious traditions, the author seeks to account for the absence of a history of the enemy.
The question of the enemy emerges in this book as contingent on the way Europe has related to both Jew and Arab as concrete enemies. Moreover, the author provocatively argues that the Jew and the Arab constitute the condition of religion and politics. Among the many strengths of the book is the timeliness of its profound study of contemporary actuality: the volume provides a basis for a philosophical understanding of the forces at work that produced and kindled current conflicts in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East.

From the Back Cover
“In this unique, original, and breathtakingly new work, Anidjar follows the figure of the enemy, as it informs arguments in many discursive areas: literature and philosophy to be sure, but also politics, theology, the constructions of race and ethnicity, history, etc. By showing in what ways the figure of the enemy is intertwined with construction of the Jew, the Arab, the Moslem, the Christian, the European, Anidjar continually challenges the reader to rethink concepts of and habitus related to the concept of enemy. Each chapter consists of cogent analyses, an illustration of relations among works and fields, and insightful remarks.” —Lawrence R. Schehr,University of Illinois

Most helpful customer reviews

20 of 29 people found the following review helpful.
Who is the enemy ?
By Andrew Wheatcroft
This is a remarkable book, complex and impossible to grasp fully at first reading. It is well worth perservering. Anidjar writes well and lucidly, but the ideas with which he is working are difficult and often intractable. His extraordinary skill is to bring together concepts rarely connected, and makes sense of the connection.

The book is part philosophy, part literary analysis, and embroidered with a very small element of 'history', as traditionally conceived. Although his subtitle is 'a history of the enemy' his whole work is to destabilise any clear idea of who the enemy actually is. Is he (or she) the enemy of the nation; or my brother or sister, or -even- am I my own enemy. Who knows better the dark secrets of the heart, the invisible fears, the unknown dark deeds ? Enemy, as Anidjar reveals, is so loaded with deeper connections and meanings, that we should not use it carelessly.

So, the title The Jew, the Arab, indicates another kind of enmity, and one we need to think about. One of the most tantalising elements of this book, and one of its greatest strengths is that the author never imposes himself on the reader, tells you what conclusions you need to draw. This is one reason to come back to it again and again. I am now reading it for the fifth time, disagreeing with much of it, but constantly stimulated and re-thinking what I thought before. This is the antidote to sound-bite culture, a book that is hard, provocative, thrilling, and above all, worth reading

5 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
Stellar; well-researched
By hgolightly09
As a Lebanese-Iraqi of Jewish descent, I've been drawn to a great number of books on this topic. None come close to the depth of research, insight, and relevance exhibited in this book--highly recommended.

20 of 74 people found the following review helpful.
Neither history nor literature are Anidjar's strong suits...
By Jazz It Up Baby
As Hugh Fitzgerald so shrewdly observed: Gil Anidjar is an Assistant Professor at Columbia, with his primary responsibility the teaching of Comparative Literature - but there is a lot of comparison, and very little literature, in his writing. He offers two Comparative Literature courses. One is on Freud and Derrida. The second, a course that is listed as part of Columbia's Middle East offerings, is called, dramatically, "Hate."

The course on "Hate" is not really about the history or literature of the Middle East at all. It is an extended rumination upon two matters. The first is the evil of Europe, which has for its own purposes not merely created "the Other" (or rather, being especially awful, as Europe will be, creating two "the Others" - "Arab" and "Jew"), and subjecting both of them to identical diabolical persecution.

The second is that in creating, and persecuting, these inoffensive Arabs throughout Europe (and those inoffensive Jews) Europe is largely responsible for the otherwise harmonious relations between Arab and Jew, and which were disrupted only by Europe's colonial project, and attempts to separate, and "create difference," as with, for example, the loi Crémieux (1870), which gave French citizenship to Sephardic Jews in Algeria.

Here we have, in full flower, the conception of "the Other" who is created in order for European (or Euro-American Man) to define himself, as against that "Other." Indeed, Gil Anidjar has written a book about this subject called The Jew, the Arab: A History of the Enemy.

"What is Europe such that it has managed to distinguish itself from both Jew and Arab and to render its role in the distinction, in the separation, and the enmity of Jew and Arab invisible - invisible, perhaps, most of all to itself".

In other words, Jew and Arab are equally victims - not of each other, except insofar as each "creates" the other in imitation of the Ur-villain Europe, that has "created" both Jew and Arab as the enemy. In Gil Anidjar's world, European history is replete with hatred - equal hatred - and persecution - equal persecution - of the Jew and of the Arab. This equality in suffering is central to his world view.

Unfortunately, it bears no relation to reality. The Jews of Europe were in fact (see Leon Poliakoff, see Malcolm Hay, see Gavin Langmuir) subjected, first out of theological hatreds, and then out of racism directed at Jews even if they ceased to be Jews, over more than a millennium. They were inoffensive; they had no political or military power. Yet they were driven from country after country, their goods stolen, many of them killed. The history of charges of ritual murder, of massacres, could fill up a book, and indeed, do fill up a book - Simon Wiesenthal's Every Day Remembrance Day, in which murder after murder, massacre after massacre, expulsion after expulsion, is listed.

But the Arabs? The Arabs, or rather the Muslims, though stopped by Charles Martel and the Franks at Poitiers in the West in 732, continued to fight in Spain until finally Muslim power came to an end in 1492; in the East, the Muslims seized much of Eastern Europe and the Balkans, and were besieging Vienna as late as 1683. And meanwhile, for a thousand years, Arab raiders went up and down the coasts, not only on the Mediterranean, but as far north as Ireland and Iceland, and razed and looted whole villages, and kidnapped, historians estimate, about 1 million white Europeans (and killed many more) who were taken back to North Africa, enslaved, and forcibly converted. The historian Giles Milton has just written White Gold about this forgotten part of European history, focusing on one Thomas Pellow.

Anidjar is not a historian. He fails to understand the threat that Muslims continued to pose, for roughly a thousand years, through these raiding and slaving expeditions. If Europeans regarded Muslims as "the enemy," it was not out of some need, like a small child with an imaginary friend, but because the Muslims, impelled by the doctrine of jihad-conquest that is in Qur'an, hadith, and sira, were militarily threatening. Those Muslim raids came to an end only in the 19th century, first with the American attacks on the Barbary Pirates, and then, in 1830, with the French conquest of Algeria.

But why read Bat Ye'or, or Bernard Lewis or even the great actor and Shakespeare scholar Harley Granville-Barker, when you can quote philosophers like Emmanuel Levinas and Franz Rosenzweig, and "critics" like Derrida, Foucault, and Said, e tutti quanti.. It would not do to subject the belief-system of Islam, or the history of Jihad-conquest, to critical or historical examination, not when you are in the business of symmetrically reducing "Jew" and "Arab" to the identical status of victims. Why bother investigating the belief-system of Islam, with its Manichaean division of the world between Believer and Infidel with which the canonical texts of Islam are full, instinct with hatred for all who are not Muslim all hates are equally ill-founded.

But Anidjar thinks of himself as a literary scholar, and that fatally vitiates all of his musing, and all of his cobbling-together of the oddest kinds of "evidence" or quasi-evidence. When, for example, he suggests that Shylock is the Jew, and Othello the Muslim, he reveals that he simply is no Shakespearean scholar; phrases such as "the distinction between Shylock and Othello, between Jew and Moor, is already breaking down as the image of the black ram begins to loom." He completely fails to realize that throughout the play, Othello is depicted as a Moor, but a Christian, in the service of Venice against the Turk.

Neither history nor literature are Anidjar's strong suits. He is a philosophizer, and "the Jew, the Arab" is filled to the brim with such portentous meditations as:

The Jew, the Arab, that is to say, the enemy, constitutes the theologico-politicial. It is through "them" that it becomes what it is. As a philosophical problem, the massive absence of the metaphysical question ....

This goes on for hundreds for pages.

And once he leaves Europe, he no longer maintains the fiction of "equal victimhood." When it comes to the Middle East, he knows nothing of the treatment of the Jews of the Middle East. His denunciation of the loi Crémieux shows that he does not understand what the Jews endured under Muslim rule. He even begins to invent a new kind of being- "c'est bien ... l'Arabe, de l'être juif arabe qu'il faudra parler et au nom duquel il faudra lutter." What is this "être juif arabe" - this "Jew-Arab creature" in whose name one must continue to struggle? It is a fiction, an ideological hippogriff, created only so that "the Arab" may claim for himself, at the hands of Europe, a false victimhood, based on the real victimhood of Jews.

The only conceivable reason for this course being offered is that it attempts to present the Arab as victim, at the hands of Europe, and later, at the hands of the "Zionists." If his treatment of Europe and Islam is a travesty, one should not be surprised to see that his view of Israel is similarly loaded. Not realizing that not all Jews were from Europe, that many never left the Middle East, and unaware, it seems, both of the demography and the land-ownership in what became Mandatory Palestine (where nearly 90 percent of the land was owned by the Ottoman state, and then passed to the mandatory authority, and then to the successor state, Israel), and unaware of the true definition of "colonialism,"

Here is how he discusses Israel:

The argument I want to make is that it is absolutely essential to continue to insist on the colonial dimension of Zionism, and colonial in the strict sense, absolutely. The claim that there was no colonial basis for Israel is ludicrous. People were citizens of countries and were acting on behalf of Western powers, and Western powers understood this very well. As did Herzl, of course, and others. So Israel is absolutely a colonial enterprise, a colonial settler state, to be precise.

And "why," Anidjar asks in an interview, "did the Western powers want and agree with the destruction of Palestine for the benefit of Israel? Why to the `Holy Land'? For Anidjar the answer always goes back to Europe, or at least its "Christian, Western powers":

The question must be asked and the answer must engage "the Muslim question." For to ignore this question is to renew and increase the invisibility of the Christian role in the pre-history and the history of colonialism and post-colonialism...There is rather an extreme investment in the continuation of the war of Israel against Palestine, that is to say, in maintaining the conditions that make this war possible.

And finally, Anidjar asks:

There is, in fact, a level at which I simply lack all understanding. Can anyone seriously claim that the problem with Islamic countries is Islam?

And the answer to that rhetorical question, I'm afraid, is obvious - and it is not the answer that Gil Anidjar was expecting.

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Minggu, 09 Maret 2014

# Download Can We Live Together?: Equality and Difference, by Alain Touraine

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Can We Live Together?: Equality and Difference, by Alain Touraine

In this book, a leading French social thinker grapples with the gap between the tendency toward globalization of economic relations and mass culture and the increasingly sectarian nature of our social identities as members of ethnic, religious, or national groups. Though at first glance, it might seem as if the answer to the question “Can we live together?” is that we already do live together—watching the same television programs, buying the same clothes, and even using the same language to communicate from one country to another—the author argues that in important ways, we are farther than ever from belonging to the same society or the same culture.

Our small societies are not gradually merging into one vast global society; instead, the simultaneously political, territorial, and cultural entities that we once called societies or countries are breaking up before our eyes in the wake of ethnic, political, and religious conflict. The result is that we live together only to the extent that we make the same gestures and use the same objects—we do not communicate with one another in a meaningful way or govern ourselves together.

What power can now reconcile a transnational economy with the disturbing reality of introverted communities? The author argues against the idea that all we can do is agree on some social rules of mutual tolerance and respect for personal freedom, and forgo the attempt to forge deeper bonds. He argues instead that we can use a focus on the personal life-project—the construction of an active self or “subject”—ultimately to form meaningful social and political institutions.

The book concludes by exploring how social institutions might be retooled to safeguard the development of the personal subject and communication between subjects, and by sketching out what these new social institutions might look like in terms of social relations, politics, and education.

  • Sales Rank: #1036114 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: Stanford University Press
  • Published on: 2000-05-01
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x 1.10" w x 6.00" l, 1.00 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 336 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

Review
“Touraine's thorough mastery of modern social theory, politics, and history provides a richness and depth to the book lacking in much discussion of globalization and modernity. He is obviously a world-class thinker.”—Douglas Kellner, University of California, Los Angeles

"Touraine re-poses the issue of social solidarity which was so central to social thought at the end of the nineteenth century. . . . The book should be an important reference point for social and political theory in the new century." —William Outhwaite,University of Sussex

Language Notes
Text: English (translation)
Original Language: French

From the Inside Flap
In this book, a leading French social thinker grapples with the gap between the tendency toward globalization of economic relations and mass culture and the increasingly sectarian nature of our social identities as members of ethnic, religious, or national groups. Though at first glance, it might seem as if the answer to the question “Can we live together?” is that we already do live together—watching the same television programs, buying the same clothes, and even using the same language to communicate from one country to another—the author argues that in important ways, we are farther than ever from belonging to the same society or the same culture.
Our small societies are not gradually merging into one vast global society; instead, the simultaneously political, territorial, and cultural entities that we once called societies or countries are breaking up before our eyes in the wake of ethnic, political, and religious conflict. The result is that we live together only to the extent that we make the same gestures and use the same objects—we do not communicate with one another in a meaningful way or govern ourselves together.
What power can now reconcile a transnational economy with the disturbing reality of introverted communities? The author argues against the idea that all we can do is agree on some social rules of mutual tolerance and respect for personal freedom, and forgo the attempt to forge deeper bonds. He argues instead that we can use a focus on the personal life-project—the construction of an active self or “subject”—ultimately to form meaningful social and political institutions.
The book concludes by exploring how social institutions might be retooled to safeguard the development of the personal subject and communication between subjects, and by sketching out what these new social institutions might look like in terms of social relations, politics, and education.

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